Available:*
Library | Item Barcode | Call Number | Material Type | Item Category 1 | Status |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Searching... | 30000010254083 | JQ1840 F65 2010 | Open Access Book | Book | Searching... |
On Order
Summary
Summary
If petroleum buys political legitimacy in the Arab Gulf states, how can we explain the rise of dissent and calls for political reform despite sustained oil revenues?.The answer, according to Sean Foley, lies in political, social, and economic dynamics that have been brewing beneath the surface for more than a decade--and that are slowly shifting the balance of political power. Though Foley does not disagree that oil revenues have been important in preserving the power of Gulf autocrats, he goes beyond popular stereotypes to identify other crucial forces that are conspiring to disrupt the status quo. Chief among these are the telecommunications revolution, which has brought news of democracy (as well as regime misdeeds) to people's homes, the lack of jobs for major segments of the male population, and the increasing economic power of women and minority groups. It is these complex issues, Foley shows us, that are at the forefront as the Arab Gulf states grapple with the challenges of both modernity and money.
Reviews 2
Choice Review
Foley (history, Middle Tennessee State Univ.) argues that the rentier model (i.e., oil-producing states derive sufficient revenues from oil income that they can operate independently of public opinion and pressure) does not sufficiently explain the modern Arab Gulf states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Instead, he sees those countries acting as "normal states" in dealing with non-oil issues (i.e., social and political structures, gender, and environment, among others) through a tradition of tolerance strongly impacted by modern technology. Foley develops this argument over six chapters that describe the historical context of the region from the 1930s through the 1970s, the impact of the telecommunications revolution on domestic politics during the 1980s and 1990s, the changes of the early 20th century, and the roles of women and minority communities within society. He concludes by describing the region's normalcy. Though Foley overstates both the rentier model and the applicability of his case studies to all six Gulf States, this is a useful analysis of contemporary Arab Gulf affairs. Summing Up: Recommended. All undergraduate, graduate, and research collections. C. H. Allen Shenandoah University
Library Journal Review
Foley (history, Middle Tennessee State Univ.) describes the countries around the Persian Gulf as more complex than oil states, unlike the standard work on the area, Greg Gause's Oil Monarchies (1994). In the classic view, these governments receive the fees from oil-drilling royalties and buy popular allegiance by subsidizing necessities like food and fuel. This author sees additional forces that continue to shape the area: technology (beginning with air conditioning), telecommunications, education for women, the large number of foreign nationals in the labor force and in social services, and the disconnect between the job skills of adult male citizens and the needs of the modern economy. These forces were already present early in the 20th century, long before oil dominated the economy. VERDICT Foley's analysis relies heavily on statistical data, both current and historical, and on stories found in archives; his description of the respective effects in each country currently would be better if it were expanded. Readers with an interest in the region will find this helpful in understanding current events in the region. The nuanced treatment will appeal primarily to academic readers.-Marcia L. Sprules, Council on Foreign Relations Lib., New York (c) Copyright 2010. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
